Why do we participate in the elections of representative democracy?
We are the political party of the working class and we develop our activity for the whole of society. Our central purpose is the conquest of popular power. That objective will be possible insofar as we can bring the thesis of revolution and socialism to the masses of the workers' movement and the other classes interested in revolution, and it will be reached through the utilisation of all forms of struggle, principally by means of the organised violence of the masses, of the revolutionary armed struggle to which they should subordinate the other forms of struggle.
In capitalist society, the struggle of classes leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat. This struggle is expressed as economic, political and ideological struggle. The political struggle raises class interests openly and refers to the problem of power. It is expressed most clearly in the war of the political parties for power. The armed struggle is the continuation of the political struggle by other means.
In the Ecuadorian society of the present, the political struggle is revealed most openly in the general elections which are designed to renew bourgeois institutions. In the next elections, the dominant classes will summon the people in order to decide on the presidential succession, for the total renewal of parliament, for the appointment of councils and governors. Really what is being organised is the fiction of the universal vote by means of which the masses decide which sector of the bourgeoisie is to be their master. Through the elections the working class and the people cannot conquer power, they are organised to solve inter-bourgeois contradictions.
However, the general elections have validity in the consciousness and in the social practice of the Ecuadorian people. The immense majority of the population participates in them, at diverse forms and levels. The social sectors are removed to the margin of this event which attracts the attention of society in general.
In the social and political life of the people, the elections constitute an important event. The diverse political bourgeois parties, the different factions and economic groups of the dominant classes are expressed in them; the parties and political organisations of the petty bourgeoisie too; and also the revisionists and the opportunists of the left. (Last time, the parliamentary chambers, the unions and social organisations, the institutions and even the military had a say in the elections.)
For the party of the proletariat it constitutes a political obligation to participate actively in these elections and in all those organised by the bourgeoisie until the strength of the masses removes it from power.

How do we participate and why?
At this opportunity, as we have done in the immediate past, the communists participated positively, with programmatic and political positions, with democratic and revolutionary candidates. (In other opportunities we have participated and we will participate again, boycotting or spoiling the vote, that is to say condemning the elections, negatively).
We participate actively in this process with the objective of expressing to the working class and to the people the political and programmatic position of proletarian revolutionaries, in order to analyse the situation and the crisis and expound the revolutionary way out, the alternative of change, of progress, of democracy; in order to affirm strengths of the revolution, in order to develop the political consciousness of the advanced sectors of the Ecuadorian people, in order to bring these ideas to other social sectors, in order to hinder, limit and also impede the manipulation of the popular masses on the part of the parties, companies and commanders of the bourgeoisie, in order to educate the popular masses politically, in order to fortify their social organisation and politics, in order to increase the political and organising experiences, in order to strengthen the partisan organisation in every aspects. That is to say, our participation is part of the process of affirming our strengths and growth, of accumulating revolutionary strengths. It is part of the politics of guiding the masses against the bourgeoisie and against opportunism. It constitutes a form of making revolutionary politics, one of the tactics of the party of the proletariat that is subordinated to the strategy of the conquest of the power.
The Ecuadorian communists do not have hopes in representative democracy. On the contrary, we are sure of its nature and condemn the farce. Furthermore, we are careful not to sow illusions in the masses, to prevent them seeing the elections as the way to the conquest of power.
For us, participation in elections is not a matter of principle. We are clear that it is a form of struggle that still has validity. We are involved in elections in order to utilise them for the benefit of the revolution, for the accumulation of strengths. That is why we propose concrete electoral positions that contribute to the conquest of opportunities for democrats and revolutionaries in the different apparatuses of bourgeois political power, in the local and national system. Our objectives are not parliamentary seats or councils. Our aims are to achieve those responsibilities as tribunes for the exercise of revolutionary politics, as opportunities in order to advance the education and political organisation of the masses, as rehearsals and stadiums in the conquest of popular power. In short, we participate in these elections with revolutionary objectives for the medium and long term.

We rely on important experiences
Always, in our partisan life, we have participated actively in national political tasks. We start from positive participation in the elections of representative democracy.
The bold revolutionary, in this aspect, is important. We have confronted different situations, varied proposals of the bourgeoisie. We have confronted the authoritarianism and neoliberalism, false development and social democracy, populism and demagogy. We have achieved important representation in the bourgeois parliament and in the local government. Fundamentally, our campaign for those positions has been positive. It has allowed us to utilise them for the interests of the popular masses, for the immediate solution of some problems, for their political education, in order to improve and enlarge the political organisation of the masses, in order to promote and develop numerous political revolutionary cadres.
An important experience is that in the course of the activity, we have been able to open roads, develop initiatives in the organisation and struggle of the masses, in the elaboration of local and national slogans that respond to current problems, directing our politics towards strategic objectives, in political propaganda and in agitation. Particular importance is attached to the political elements, debate, consultation and decision-making on the part of the masses and of the bases, and that has the result of highlighting the role of the masses in political activity. Equally important is the process of accounting for our actions which has permitted us a direct political relationship with the masses and improved substantially the relationship of the leadership of the base in the social and political organisation of the masses.

In what conditions do we participate?
These general elections are taking place amid the growing depth of the general crisis which is hitting Ecuadorian society. The political elements of the crisis are in the forefront and will continue to be so, at least until the end of the second electoral term.
The political crisis is expressed in a particular manner, at the top of society. Inter-bourgeois contradictions are exacerbated. They are expressed in a ferocious dispute determining which sector of the oligarchy will return in the next government. Those contradictions show the political divisions of the indigenous bourgeoisie. At least 5 or 6 bourgeois parties participate in important positions. The constitutional reforms that permit the participation of independents contribute to this dispersion; electoral companies, at national and local level, with the letterhead of independents, will multiply.
The period of representative democracy that we are living in, in spite of constituting the biggest period, 17 years of republicanism, is resentful, fragile, deteriorating and discredited. The government has the lowest level of acceptance in public opinion. The same is true for congress. The political parties have lost credibility. All of them are in sharp internal crisis. They divide and subdivide; new political groupings and electoral companies emerge.
Corruption and public immorality go together with the system and they exude pus from all the pores of bourgeois society. They are corroding at the top most levels of the bourgeoisie. The President and their relatives are committed and denounced in scandalous deals and swindles. Vice-president Dahik has been subjected to penal and political judgement for the crime of corruption and embezzlement; although using bribes, the buying of legislators, and of blocks and of parties, he succeeded in avoiding dismissal in the political arena, public sentence and penal judgement hangs over him; his escape from the country with the help of the President and of the police and the order of protecture imprisonment, as well as his resignation of the Vice-presidency, situates him as the person most representative of the government's general corruption and immorality. The ministers are involved in various deals and blackmails. The deputies sell themselves to the highest bidders. The mayor, prefects, councillors and consultants are agents of corruption, several have prison sentences or are fugitives. The Supreme Court of Justice and the whole judicial system are a nest of thieves and rogues, some of the judges have been dismissed. The Contraloria is revealing itself to the public as another centre of corruption and manoeuvres.
The conservative government of Sixto and Dahik had proposed to carry out its neoliberal project, that pompously named economic and political reforms and modernisation of the State. They have made significant advances in that direction and are aiming to go still further. However, the resistance of the popular masses against privatisation and in defence of democracy and social welfare and the inter-bourgeois contradictions (expressed in the splits among themselves about which sector should gain immediate benefit from the privatisations) has limited the implementation of this programme.
The government has not succeeded in getting Congress to pass totally all the legislation, above all the Constitutional Reforms, and this happened due to the presence of revolutionary deputies, as well as to the inter-bourgeois contradictions. In order to achieve their aims and earn electoral positions for their allies, the government has called for a Popular Consultation on November 26. Through this the government hopes to be able to claim that the people all approves a reactionary package which means socially regressive and repressive legislation, which prohibits trade union organisations and the right to strike, which eliminates mid-term elections and permits the president to dissolve Congress, which eliminates the presence of minorities in legislative bodies, and which frees the state from its responsibilities for education and health. In short, it is a consultation which will claim that the people are putting the rope on their own necks in voting for the government's proposals.
The armed conflict with Peru and its outcome brings new actors into political activity. On one side there are the armed forces which institutionally have situated themselves as the arbitrators of society, which impose parameters and solutions and brandish the threat of their direct intervention, and on the other side we see the "victorious" military bosses who have decided to participate directly in politics as candidates.
The political crisis is of such magnitude that in spite of the general elections being held as an institutional way out, and in spite of the great majority of economic groups and bourgeois political parties having embarked on that route, nevertheless there are sectors who propose the option of holding the Constituent Assembly with all-embracing powers to reorder the country through legislation; and they are economic groups, political parties, including candidates who are knocking at the doors of the barracks requesting the intervention of the armed forces; also there are the government and groups of officers in the armed forces who would like to see a dictatorial solution to the crisis.
This situation presents for imperialism and for the bourgeoisie the necessity of adapting their strategy to deal with the political crisis. Their central concern is directed at minimising the political and social explosions, trying to temper the contradictions between the groups in the oligarchy, and searching for an alternative which will permit the full implementation of the neoliberal project.
These factors allow us to give a warning that the general elections which are in progress will take place, but we cannot disregard the possibility of a military coup d'état.
The Party's position is to reject the proposal for the Constituent Assembly, and also to denounce and oppose the military way out, because they both constitute alternatives which limit popular participation, because they are regressive expressions that call for the imposition of reactionary legislation and of authoritarian politics, and which will end public freedom and democracy.
The Party has decided to participate actively in the electoral process.

What are our objectives ?
We propose to embed ourselves in this process and to put in the forefront the strategic objectives of the Party, and to use every medium to spread the theses of change, of social transformation, of revolution and of socialism. We must place at the forefront the problem of power, the task and the necessity of conquering it, the role of the workers and the people in that commitment. We must insist on the necessity of going the revolutionary way to the conquest of power.
The current and strategic program of the party, its politics should be known by the widest popular masses; the name of the party and all its forces should be promoted to higher levels; the cadres of the party and leaders of the masses should develop their work, develop and reach a greater authority with the masses.
The electoral political war should be used as a stage for the growth and strengthening of the organisation of the party and all their forces, the Ecuadorian Revolutionary Youth (JRE), the General Workers Union, the political movement of masses, the Popular Front and the various social organisations in which the communists have responsibility.
The communists should take advantage of the conditions to improve the operation of the Party, its collective life and individual responsibility; in order to apply an audacious policy of recruitment. All the candidates for membership of the Party should advance and be incorporated as militants, applying the guides of recruitment. Every militant should take on the responsibility of recruiting three new candidates until the conclusion of the electoral campaign. The current nucleus of the JRE should be consolidated, renewed and developed in all the places and opportunities that the campaign develops. The brigade of the political movement should be helped by its leadership and the presence of a militant of the Party. They should construct new brigades and work for their education and stability. The electoral committees that arise should ensure that they are fully integrated into political life and so that they have validity after the elections.
The fact that an entire social organisation participates in electoral politics does not limit or even less annul the possibility and the task of organising electoral committees or brigades; the existence of these does not exclude the necessity of organising the nucleus of the JRE or of candidates for membership of the party.
The organisation of the self defence of the masses is an urgent task and conditions allow us to do this publicly and on a significant scale. Equally, we must give attention to the organisation of combatants who should arise in this process.

Which are our forces and electoral objectives?
Keeping in mind the levels from which we are starting, the current political situation and its tendencies, the correlation of forces and the perspectives which they necessitate, we establish the following parameters.
We constitute at electoral level, the fifth political power. Our presence is in the whole country, but in some provinces there is a better situation. We constitute a political strength known by the Ecuadorian people, we represent an option of fightback and of possibilities, we are wonted and respected by important social sectors. We have borne the attack of a ferocious anti-communist campaign, we are attacked as extremists; our enemies accuse us of not having realistic proposals. In order to promote our work in the electoral campaign we must embed ourselves in the social sectors where we have earned influence and from there enlarge our radius of action.
We propose to introduce candidacies in the entire country, to presidential level, of deputies, of mayors and prefects, councils in all the municipalities, consultants in all the provinces.
The revolutionary forces participate in this process with important perspectives, starting from an appreciable social and political base. We have the great challenge of advancing in the process of accumulation of revolutionary forces, of conquering difficulties and of reaching a new victory.

The first battles in this electoral process take place with regard to the Popular Consultation
As we have already noted, through the Popular Consultation the government and imperialism claim that the people are putting a rope around their own necks, and giving the green light to a historic regression. With every demand about important social and political conquests, the road to the neoliberal project is levelled.
We propose organising the debate and the action of the masses in order to oppose ourselves to all the issues presented by the Consultation. We call for a NO vote, we propose an active campaign that allows us to defeat neoliberalism in the Consultation.
The work of the party should go to explain in the course of the debate the political, economic, social and every other reason which leads us to decide NO. We have to lead the opinion of the masses in order to identify the YES to the consultation with the government, with the figure of Dahik. AGAINST DAHIK and CORRUPTION, VOTE NO in the CONSULTATION. We should intensify agitation and propaganda in the same direction.
The work of the party and all its forces in the Consultation has to be intensive, utilising all the capacity and energy which we can provide. We should work as if we have candidates; our candidate, in this situation, says NO TO ALL QUESTIONS. Propaganda and political agitation with regard to the Consultation should be intimately tied to the promotion of the political proposal of the People's Alternative Front, to the Program of the Government, to the names of the national and local candidates.
The victory of NO in the Consultation will be the first success in these new elections. We should work to achieve it. (The results of the popular consultation confirmed the correctness of these orientations. The NO was victorious in all the questions of the consultation defeating the reactionary efforts of imperialism and the oligarchy.)
The development of the political struggle, of the popular opposition is presented now as part of the electoral line. The whole party, through all its forces, in all places and conditions should denounce and combat the anti-popular and anti-national policy of the government of Sixto and Dahik.
The social struggle, the struggle of the masses for their material and social demands must be the organising principle for the communists. It is in the area of the struggle of the masses, in the streets and the squares, in strikes and mobilisations, where we can bind ourselves closely to the people and earn their trust and acceptance. The impulse of the popular struggle should be tied closely to the elements and political problems which the country is experiencing, with the proposals and candidates of the People's Alternative Front .
Parliamentary work must be developed further. The important levels reached in the process of combating the corruption and against the anti-popular policy of the government and the imperialist looting, particularly the role of the deputies of the MPD in opposition to the constitutional reactionary reforms, in defence of social security, of education, of strategic areas, the political condemnations and the dismissal of the President and other Ministers of the Supreme Court of Justice, the political condemnation and dismissal of Minister Pinto, the political condemnation against Dahik should continue with direct accusations against the policy of the government and of the social Christians; particularly it must develop the level of the accusations and condemnation of all the violations against the people, of all the government's deals, and of the corruption. The party should take advantage of these and other events in order to shake up the masses, to vindicate the actions of the MPD, of their deputies, of the organisations of the masses, and of their leaders. It is very important that all that we do be known to the people and the workers, and to the public opinion.
Our companions in the parliament should concentrate their activity on social and economic legislation for the benefit of the people, particularly for the social sectors where we are working.
The calling to account on the part of the popular representatives, the deputies, mayors, municipal presidents, consultants and councils; of those responsible in the institutions and leaders of the organisations of masses is an indispensable part of the electoral policy. It should be carried out everywhere and by all the comrades. They should go to the bases, to meetings, to workplaces, to places of activity and of residence of the social sectors where we are involved. The work should be carried out with simplicity and frankness. It should provoke anxieties, requests, suggestions and criticism from the masses. It should lead to political debate, the drawing of lessons. It should establish parameters for the future. Our concern should be to say to the people how as revolutionaries we fulfil our commitments. It should lead to confirming the people's trust in us, in our programme, in the organisation and in our comrades. It should conclude in the political assumption by the masses of their role in the activity an in the electoral campaign.
We should understand that the calling to account comes first, in a direct and concrete manner to the sectors of masses which elected us, with those with whom we carry out social activity and permanent politics, but it should also seek the attention of the popular masses, including of general public opinion. That is why we should utilise the written and radio propaganda, in short, all forms of propaganda to which that we have access.
Debate and consultation with the masses on the crisis and its agents, and the way to confront it and resolving it for the benefit of the people, and the necessity of constructing the People's Alternative Front (FAP), with its programme, its candidates, its own campaign, with tasks and the responsibilities which should lead us to incorporate the masses, the bases of social organisations, clear political lines, the drawing up of plans and consequently the distribution of responsibilities and the execution of tasks. Our central purpose is aimed towards the masses, that they should make the politics of the party their own, defend them, promote them and work actively for them.
In order to get these results, the militants, the brigadie leaders, the revolutionary youth, the militants of the political fronts, the activists of the organisations of the masses should go to assemblies, to groups of people, including to people individually with a correct attitude, without the poses of self- sufficiency which often show themselves, without the authoritarianism. We must bring out people's anxieties and questions, aid discussion and contribute with our experience and knowledge to clarify problems and draw conclusions. We must avoid the faulty practice of arriving, giving a speech, lecturing, achieving the acceptance and learning satisfied. That type of work is an expression of formalism, of petty bourgeois revolutionarism and in reality it does not give us the results that we are looking for.
Participation in elections demands the elaboration of a specific programme. It should arise from debate with the masses, it should reflect their immediate interests, but also their medium and long term aims. It should keep in mind the current situation and the economic and social tendencies. It must constitute a weapon in order to win, educate, organise and lead to political battle hundreds of thousands of Ecuadorians, it should be an answer to the current crisis, that is to say an anti-crisis programme from the point of view of the workers, of the people of Ecuador, that is why a programme must be anti-oligarchy and anti-imperialist. It must claim the interests of the popular masses, of the workers of the city and the fields, of the poor, of the small and medium merchants, of the workers' districts, of the nationalities and Indian peoples, of the Afro-Ecuadorians, of the Ecuadorian nation. It is a left, democratic and revolutionary programme. A current programme that opened the road for social change, for revolution, for the conquest of popular power, for the construction of socialism.
The programme should consider the most urgent and general problems, reflect a point of view and give concrete answers, valid, able to be understood by the masses, and mark the roads towards revolutionary change.

The Construction of the People's Alternative Front
In order to participate in these elections and rely on an organisation for social and political combat, in order to confront the crisis and aim for the conquest of power we propose the construction of the People's Alternative Front, an organisation joined by the popular organisations whose bases and directions are decided by debate and consultation, one in which the political organisations of the left are interested, legal or not, organisations which are interested in the promotion and development of popular unity and in the organisation and the combat of workers and the people, of revolutionaries. There exist in the FAP unorganised social sectors which yearn for change, all the men and women, patriots and democrats who aspire to a better Ecuador, who are struggling to achieve it. Participation in the FAP is denied only to the oligarchies and vendors of the fatherland, to the traitors against the people and the nation, to the associates and servants of imperialism, to the bosses and leaders of the political bourgeois parties.
The construction of the FAP has begun and should continue amid the electoral process. Political action is the best stage on which to confront and resolve the organisational problems, in order to develop a powerful Front. The Front is the sum of all its organisations, it is the programmatic unity of its members, it is an instrument for political struggle. The Front does not replace and even less annul its organisations, each one of them maintains its organic independence and its specific objectives, its incorporation to the Front has political purposes in corresponding to its nature and principles.
Candidates with different responsibilities are coming forward amid the political debate, and should complete the cadres at national and local level. We are talking of comrades who have the endorsement of the bases of the different organisations, of comrades who have demonstrated their commitments to the interests of the people, the capacity to fulfil the different responsibilities that they have taken on. They are the standard-bearers of the people, our leaders in this electoral process.

Promoting a combative electoral campaign
The electoral campaign confronts the people with the oligarchy, to the left and the right, to the Ecuadorian nation and to North American imperialism. From the side of the people, we represent the most significant forces, the most advanced and also the most representative and powerful; from the side of the left we are the radicals, we do not hide our nature and purposes, we have a tradition, a history of struggle on side of the nation we represent the genuine interests of the people of Ecuador and we defend these to the end.
This campaign will be combative, radical. We are right and we should hit with strength. We represent the new, the future.
The central task consists of appearing to the people as we are, developing our qualities. The masses know us as fighters, as rebels, as uncompromising against their enemies. The masses know that we have answers to their problems and needs. The campaign should show us as combative and providing solutions, at a high level and capable, fighters of the past and of the present but with concrete proposals for popular well-being.
The first issue is the idea of affirming who we are, making ourselves known by other sectors, winning the masses to our ideas. The second issue is to show up and combat the demagogy of the bourgeois candidates, expose their reactionary and anti-popular nature. That is why we should be simple in our explanation of our ideas to the people and energetic and hard in combat with the enemy.
The political bourgeois parties, their candidates are going to take the electoral campaign to television, to radio, to the national press, they are going to avoid debate with the popular candidates, of the left. With a lot of investment and the assistance of foreign technicians they are going to utilise the latest techniques of political marketing. They will try by every means to diminish and annul the streets and squares as areas of the electoral fight.
In this situation the communists should understand that our strength reside in our direct bonds with the masses, in the masses' own action. That is why our campaign will be of the masses, with the masses and for the masses. We should go from organisation to organisation, from district to district, from house to house, from person to person, speaking, arguing, spreading our ideas, the candidates of the people and building for the popular victory. Meetings, mobilisations of the masses, gatherings, discussions on the barricades, simple and patient explanations, debates, the challenges and accusations against the candidates of the oligarchy must be used as our best weapons.

Developing an active agitation and propaganda
In the arena of propaganda we must work in every aspects, in the press, on radio and television. Radio offers us better conditions and opportunities, taking advantage of our experiences we should utilise it with initiative and audacity. Posters, leaflets, in a particular manner propaganda should serve us in order to reach millions of Ecuadorians. Mural art which is one of our characteristics, should occupy its place and stand out clearly. The raised fist, "graffiti" have an important role to play, above all in order to renovate slogans, the voices of order throughout the campaign.

The central enemy of the campaign
The central enemies are in the first place the government and its politics, and the Social Christian Party. This means that we should demonstrate most forcefully in the campaign that we are the opposition, the opposition of the poor, that we have led popular opposition for four years; that the social christians, who appear as standards-bearers of the bourgeois opposition, have been cogovernors and they are sponsors of the misgovernment of Sixto and Dahik and represent their continuity.
Part of our enemies are the other candidates of the right twho introduce themselves as the centre, and the populism which we must unmask and combat.
On the side of popular strengths there are some alternatives besides ours. We should differentiate ourselves by the nature of our organisation and politics, by the significance that we have demonstrated in the struggle of the people, by the correctness of our programme, by the quality of our candidates, by the character of our campaign.
This evaluation is of a national character. In some provinces and locations the confrontation takes particular forms which should be considered for the planning and the development of the campaign.
The elections are a political process in development. The party has the obligation to analyse social and political events daily, the development of inter-bourgeois contradictions; it should evaluate their activity and that of the competitors. The evaluations that take place during the course of the campaign should be kept in mind in order to readjust the orientations, the plans, that the struggle demands.

The political participants of the campaign
This electoral campaign has hundreds of thousands of participants. In an active manner we should encourage the participation of the thousands integrated in the organisations of masses which participate in the FAP, the local and national leaders of those same organisations. The brigaders should stand out in all electoral activity as revolutionary youth, as militants of the party, the brigade, the nucleus and the cells; all our candidates are the standard-bearers, our representatives, those that in an active manner carry our voice. They should play an important role, they should earn the trust and affection of the masses and the vote of the electorates.

Self-defence
The organisation of self-defence is a necessity in this campaign. We should defend our forces, protect our propaganda and our candidates. That task should be fulfilled by the masses organised in self-defence, by the members picked out by the masses, mainly the youth who are involved as militants in order to fight for change. These tasks can and should be fulfilled in every area of the campaign, We should work to give continuity to these organising efforts through the political and technical education of those involved.

The resources for the campaign
We face intense political activity which brings together and interests millions of human beings, which requires a lot of material resources. The bourgeoisie relies on immense resources which will utilise in unprecedented gratitues. The challenge is before us. It demands from us a serious attitude, to plan and control the obtaining of material resources, of finance for the campaign.
The principal source will be the same masses, little by little we should collect millions, persuading the masses to make their contribution for their own benefit. On the other side, a great part of the resources will come from the work of the tens of thousands of political activists who will work every day and every hour for the success of the campaign.
We must also collect funds through special activities carried out by institutions, political organisations and the masses, by candidates and friends of the party, by the left.

Firmly establishing these ideas and putting them into practice

The success of these orientations, their application by the entire party, and their force requires in the first place their understanding and assimilation. The cadres should play the principal role here; to us fall the responsibility of spreading these ideas, of winning them to the entire party; of mobilising it ideologically, of arming it in order to begin and develop the combat.
We are going to complete a new journey of struggle. It is a special political campaign that requires the participation of all of us, all the time. The directing role of the party will be expressed in the way that we carry forward and lead this new political campaign to victory.
With the validity of our politics, with Marxist-Leninist conviction, with ideological revolutionary strength, with the organisation and the experience that we possess we are going to launch a new revolutionary struggle. Victory depends on how all the communists work, how we incorporate hundreds of thousands of leftists and patriots, how we organise them and how we lead in each and every one of the partial battles. The Ecuadorian revolution, at this stage demands an ideological, political, organisational and electoral victory in these next elections. We must fight to achieve it!
With the strength of the people, we will WIN it!