1. The present crisis arises from the general crisis of finance capital, and its destructive effects are being felt in every field: economic, political, social, cultural, etc. as well as in every country of the world, whatever its level of development.

2. It is a crisis of the appreciation of capital. In order to maintain the rate of profit, capital destroys ever greater quantities of productive forces and everyday pushes to another level the exploitation of the working class, of the working masses and of the people. This destruction of productive forces is reflected clearly in the higher level of compulsory unemployment, in the relative and absolute impoverishment of the working class and of the popular masses, in the pure and simple liquidation of sections of the productive apparatus which do not have the capacity to guarantee a sufficient rate of profit. At the level of the less developed countries this crisis translates itself into the phenomenon of de-industrialisation which is brought with it various catastrophic consequences for the workers and the people.

3. Neither the concentration and centralisation of capital, which has reached a level never before known, nor the considerable possibilities opened up for the technical-scientific revolution, are measures which can put an end to the crisis. On the contrary, these have done no more than sharpen the contradictions of the system and have raised to higher level the competition among the monopolies and the imperialist states. The construction of economic blocs in order to guarantee greater markets for the monopolies has had the result of simply increasing this competition. The destruction of the revisionist countries of Eastern Europe has accelerated the struggle for a new imperialist redivision, of which the first bloody manifestation wads the Gulf War, and which continues to show itself through all the conflicts taking place in the strategic areas of the world, in Africa, in the Balkans, in the Middle East, etc. There is no way out of the present crisis except the deepening of this competition and its degeneration into military confrontations which can become transformed either into a generalised confrontation, or a revolutionary outcome.

4. The Leninist theses according to which we are living in the epoch of imperialism and the proletarian revolution continues to fully validated. The crisis will not be resolved in any definite manner and in favour of the working class and the people except through the victory of the social revolution of the proletariat. That is why, today as yesterday, the alternative continues to be revolution.

5. All the policies implemented by imperialism, whatever name they may go by, seek only to make the working class and the people suffer the crisis. They are reactionary and conservative policies which have nothing liberal about them except the name.

6. The international division of labour has today reached a planetary scale. The concepts of "globalisation" or of "world economy" can be translated as the dictatorship of the most powerful monopolies and of the imperialist states in order to obtain free access for their products in every market; and on the other hand, to close down certain places of production among their allies depending on differences in the rate of profit. The supranational institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank, the Group of Seven, the European Commission of Brussels, etc. are the instruments for this policy.

7. However, increasing monopolisation implies greater reaction, states being more repressive against the working class and people, and a redoubled offensive against communism, and more generally against progressive ideas. Openly racist and fascist ideologies are promoted in order to divide the working class and masses.

8. The crisis of imperialism has also rekindled that of the revisionists and the reformists. The former have been greatly dismayed by the fall of the revisionist countries, while the latter have been deprived of their reference to the social democratic model of the "Welfare State". They are trying to pass on to the workers and to the trade union movement their own demoralisation and their own absence of any perspective. They certainly have not lost their ability to damage the workers' and popular movement and to drag it into the dead ends of reformism. However, the general tendency which can be observed is that of a popular and workers' movement which is gaining in the independence of its perspective, which is taking its struggle into its own hands, and which is radicalising its forms and slogans of struggle and of organisation.

In Europe:

9. More concretely, in Europe the bourgeoisie has created for itself a vast market, not only to sell its goods but also to organise competition at the level of the labour force. The supranational institutions direct their laws especially against the weakest countries. The establishment of the European Union has led to, in the case of German imperialism, its elevation to the rank of leading power in Europe. The EU is an instrument of struggle within the competition between the European powers, the USA and Japan. It is equally an instrument for imperialist oppression against the people. This last aspect reveals itself through ever more frequent military interventions by the European states, particularly against the peoples of Africa.
The opening of European frontiers has meant for the workers and the people the elimination of innumerable jobs, in a sharpening competition between workers and unemployed, in a drastic lowering of wages, an intensification of labour, and the reversal of social conquests. The dominant class is using the conditions which it had itself created in order to encourage chauvinism and racism, giving space to fascist organisations and their ideology, within the objective of dividing the workers and the popular masses.
Monopoly capital is taking its part in this situation, putting its hands in every sector and every aspect of society, for example in the privatisation of many sectors of the state, thus accentuating the concentration and monopolisation of capital. For a long time the reaction of the workers and popular movement has been weak and divided, due to the dominant influence of social democracy and revisionism. However, in these last few years we have seen a significant development, witnessed by the great strikes and demonstrations in France, Germany, Spain and other countries. These movements also show the workers taking greater control of their own struggles. The gap has widened between the working class on the one hand, and the social democrats, revisionists and bureaucratic trade union leaderships on the other. In various countries, trade unionism which bases itself on class struggle has gained in breath and strength.
The most advanced workers are interested of what happens outside their frontiers and are trying to elevate their common struggle to the international plane. A slogan which sums up these aspirations is "Altogether against capital".
The referendums on European Union have shown that there is developing a strong popular sentiment against the domination exercised by the great imperialist powers. The "European perspective" which the bourgeoisie has wanted to present to the masses as an alternative has not been successful. The masses identify with the slogan "No to the Europe of Maastricht, no to the Europe of the monopolies" and with the aspiration towards international solidarity.

In Africa:

10. The African states are backward capitalist states. Africa suffers simultaneously from capitalist development and from the insufficiencies of the same capitalism. The IMF, the World Bank, etc. have imposed on these states their programme of structural adjustment whose application has brought with it serious consequences in the economic, political and social planes.
On the political plane, these programmes are inspiring de-stabilisation as can be seen in the "implosions" (internal convulsion) of certain states, such as Somalia, Liberia and Zaire.
The African people and proletariat are developing their political and social struggle against the disastrous consequences of these programmes. Thus, we see that during the 1990s have been many movements for political and social emancipation which in some countries taken the form of insurrections, as in Benin, Togo, Mali, etc. In their attempt to take over and consume these political and social movements for emancipation, the imperialist powers are exploiting those weaknesses related to political and economic backwardness, weaknesses which are maintained through the complicity of their local allies and through which the development of ethnicism and other types of conflicts are encouraged, conflicts such as those around frontiers, and reactionary civil wars, etc.
In fact, in spite of the birth, development and positive action on the part of the Marxist-Leninist parties on the continent, the level of class consciousness and of organisation among the people is still weak. In many countries the proletariat remains insufficiently organised. Subjective conditions are behind the demands of the objective conditions.
In the African continent and in the Arab world coveted for their wealth and their strategic position, Zionism and traditionalism are being used by the imperialist powers and the reactionary bourgeoisie to hold back the class consciousness of the people and to subjugate them in a more effective way. In a state such as Tunisia the proletariat and the Tunisian people are struggling at the same time to defeat the fascism of the government and against the fascism of the traditionalists ("the fascism of land and sky"). The Zionist state of Israel, supported by the US and other imperialist powers, constitutes through its intransigence and arrogance, a factor for oppression, de-stabilisation and war in the entire region and in particular in the Arab world.

In Latin America:

11. Latin America, the backyard of North American imperialism, also reflects the symptoms of the general crisis of imperialism.
As a result of imposition of neoliberalism, and of the economic adjustments demanded by the IMF and the World Bank, of the uncontrollable growth of the external debt, of the plundering of its natural resources, of the super exploitation of the working class and of the burden of unproductive expenditure in the Latin American continent, we are able to see with undeniable clarity the effects of capitalist crisis: recession and unemployment, inflation and de-industrialisation; the violation of national sovereignty through imperialist legislation; the raising of the prices of basic necessities and of services which affect the quality of the life of the masses, affecting as they do the poor in particular; and corruption and social and political instability which characterise Latin American societies.
In recent times, representative democracy has been the expression of capitalist rule, but these regimes have institutionalised anti-popular and anti-national violence and are violating human rights and public freedoms. The attack on political and trade union rights of the working masses is a constant feature of every country.
In Latin America, the crisis of imperialism and the anti-communist offensive is having an effect on social democracy, revisionism and opportunism. They are political forces now in crisis splitting and weakened, moving towards a policy of alliances and social pacts driven by imperialism and bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, they still have significance within the popular movement and they continue to be a danger for the activity of revolutionaries.
The workers' and popular movement of Latin American countries is reawakening.
The mobilisations and strikes of the working class, of professionals and public servants, the important movements of peasants, the awakening of the Indian peoples and nationalities and their inclusion in political life, the active involvement of the masses in opposition to the monetarist adjustments and measures, the struggle against the corruption of bourgeois power, all these are part of a movement of the masses which is gradually gaining strength and perspectives.
The armed revolutionary struggle, in spite of setbacks, is a reality, a road leading to the conquest of popular power, through revolution and socialism.
The existence of Marxist-Leninist grouping in some countries of Latin America, the regrouping of other revolutionary forces and their search for ways and positions through revolutionary action, the traditions of struggle of the workers and of the people pose the progressive development of the anti-imperialist forces, of its growing consciousness and its embedding in the process of the social revolution of the proletariat.

Our tasks:

Faced with the present crisis of capitalism, its deepening and generalisation, communists and other revolutionaries, workers and people must put forward concrete proposals which will allow us to take advantage of the crisis in order to advance the organisation of the social revolution.
The magnitude of the crisis and its effects are felt principally by the working classes and the people; the crisis is sharpening inter-imperialist contradictions. This situation is contributing to the ripening of objective conditions for the revolution. In spite of the setbacks suffered by the workers and popular movement and in spite of the anti-communist campaign, there is now beginning to evident a tendency towards the development of the subjective conditions necessary for revolution.
Our central task is to organise the revolution in conditions of crisis. We, the working class and the people, must channel our activities and daily struggles with the perspective of the conquest of power, of revolution.
Revolution and socialism are the aims of the labour and activities of our parties; we have to transform them into the objectives and aspirations of the masses.
In the process of fusing scientific socialism with the popular and workers' movement of our countries, we as communists propose the following:
- To raise the banners of liberty and democracy, for the organisation and rights of the workers.
- To struggle for the self-determination of the peoples; in dependent countries we are fighters for national independence.
- To organise the struggle of the workers and people for its hopes and rights.
- To oppose head on and on every terrain imperialist oppression and exploitation, to oppose injustice and tyranny, to oppose corruption.
Our tactic aims to put forward objectives and slogans for the united struggle of the workers and peoples of the world and to develop forms of organisation and of struggle.
We insist on the decisive role of the working class, in open polemic with those who deny its characteristics or devalue the potential of its organisation and of its struggles. It is necessary to strengthen class struggle trade unionism. The struggle in every country strengthens the struggle of the working class at the international level and vice versa. The practice of unity and of international solidarity must be integrated into our actions.
The socialisation of production and the concentration of appropriation have reached level never before seen. The exploitation of the labour force is a process which is taking place at the international level. The tentacles of imperialism and its policies of greed are reaching out across the entire planet. These phenomena testify to the validity of the international character of the working class, they demand of us that we redouble our efforts through united struggle, to confront imperialism in a co-ordinated manner and from every country in the world, to raise to new levels solidarity between workers and peoples, in order to empower the practice of proletarian internationalism.
In our work we aim in the first place towards the proletariat, to the workers of town and country. The worker-peasant alliance, its forging and development through combat assures us in the present and for the future of the social revolution in the dependent countries. This responsibility demands of us that we take into account the problems and hopes of the peasant masses, their present situation and their perspectives.
The working youth of the cities and the country and activity among the students demands the attention of our parties so that they are incorporated in the confrontation between classes, so that we can gain them for revolutionary action. In this task we must look for alternatives and open roads, to ensure that youth plays an ever more significant role.
The popular sectors living in the suburban areas of the big cities also have at present a great importance for social struggle; they have big and serious problems, they have experience of economic and political struggle, they form part of the social forces of the revolution and they deserve the attention of parties.
We must take into account a spontaneous struggle of the masses and link ourselves with their daily movement. It is as much in the direct struggle of the workers and of the masses in its various expressions, as in the use of the institutions in each country and in the world that we must work to achieve the demands which we have put forward and to prepare ourselves for the revolutionary struggle for power.
We must aim to participate in every popular and workers' initiative, in the events and struggles which take place within our countries and on the international stage, with the aim of taking forward our policies and widening the radius of influence of our parties. In these activities we must co-ordinate the activities of our parties.
We must open the way to the creation of a political reference point which will give new hope to the people, which can be capable of unifying all those who oppose the policies of imperialism, which will demonstrate the strength of all the discontented, which will draw lines of demarcation between the forces of progress and reaction; we must work for the raising of anti-imperialist consciousness among the workers and peoples, and for the formation of the Anti-imperialist Front.
The struggle for the safeguarding of public liberties and for human rights, against authoritarianism and reaction and against dictatorships, must take into account the inclusion of other social and political sectors, who must be included in the democratic and progressive Front. It is necessary to promote regional and international meetings of workers on the basis of branches of production or activity. These meetings must discuss policies and organisational forms with the aim of putting forward agreed options to the Conference or through regions.
For our parties there is posed the responsibility of promoting on every terrain and by all means a great ideological offensive based on the revolutionary demands coming from the popular masses. The ideal of revolution and socialism must constitute the fundamental nucleus of this offensive. It is the task of our parties to develop a permanent ideological and political confrontation against fascism and reaction, and to confront the various opportunist and revisionist tendencies. In this struggle it is extremely important to advance the development of theory, in order to enrich Marxism-Leninism, to make sense of the experience of socialism and of the setbacks we have suffered, and to improve our formulations and political proposals on the basis of the assimilation and defence of the principles of Marxism-Leninism.
The denunciation and the struggle against class collaboration and agreements with imperialism and bourgeoisie, the unmasking and fighting against the aristocracy of labour and the trade union bureaucrats, against opportunism, revisionism and social democracy, must be part of our work.
The confrontation of the working class against the attacks of imperialism and capitalism allow the proletariat to acquire experiences of higher levels of struggle. In this confrontation we see appearing new advanced elements of the class, new trade union leaders in struggle against the betrayals of the bureaucracy, new proletarian militancy rooted in the social sector and also fighters for the general interests of the class in their area. The workers' mobilisation also allows the proletariat the possibility of having influence on those progressive intellectuals who are coming closer to Marxism. These phenomena are creating conditions such that our parties can win the best elements among the workers forged in those battles, in order to grow, reorganise themselves, renew themselves and put themselves in the leadership of the movement.
For the struggle at this time against capital and against the policies and measures of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, we propose:
- The denunciation and struggle against imperialism, against its wars and preparation for war, against the domination of other peoples, in defence of national sovereignty and the self-determination of peoples. The struggle against the external debt, its effects and the penalties which accompany it.
- To confront the policies and measures imposed by imperialism, in particular:
-To struggle for the defence of workers' rights, for the right of organisation, stability, collective agreements, strike, and for the retention of social conquests and benefits for the workers.
- To struggle against privatisation and the dismantling of the productive sector and of the social welfare state. Against the handing over of strategic sectors and natural resources of the economy to national or foreign private monopolies, and for the workers' and users of these sectors to have control over them. For the increase of spending on social security and decrease of the spending on war.
- To raise wages and control the prices of basic necessities.
- The gaining of better conditions through the democratic and revolutionary political struggle by the workers and peoples also demands struggle for political freedom, against fascism and rightist tendencies in the state, against anti-worker and anti-popular governments, for the putting forward of programmes to enable the proletariat and the masses to exercise an alternative government and power. With a focus which differentiates us form the bourgeoisie, we demand respect for life and for human rights in those countries taken over by military or paramilitary state terror.
-Opposition to the degradation and deterioration of the environment caused by capitalist exploitation and in defence of humanity and of all forms of life on the planet.
- The fight against bourgeois nationalism, against which we propose the defence of independence and the self-determination of peoples.
- To put forward the demands and promote the mobilisation of youth, since they have a decisive importance in the revolutionary processes of our countries. To promote participation of women in the revolution and democratic struggle taking into account women's particular demands.
Workers of all countries, unite!

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations
Santo Domingo, 1996