Extract from Chapter IV of the Political News of the CC of the PCML of Ecuador "Present Problems of Ecuadorian Revolution", approved by the 5th Congress of the Party in December 1996.

The Ecuadorian revolution has concrete problems which must be confronted and resolved by the revolutionary party of the proletariat in the light of Marxism-Leninism. The application of the principles of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete conditions of the Ecuadorian revolution.
Marxism-Leninism is valid. Its revolutionary principles have demonstrated their validity in the struggle of the workers and the peoples, in the victorious revolutions, and also in the revolutionary processes which have been defeated by the superiority of the reactionary forces and also by the errors of the communists - its correctness and validity in the construction of the workers society, a socialist society, have been made obvious, at the same time as have been demonstrated its weaknesses and limitations, and the necessity of its continual development.
Marxism-Leninism is not a dogma. Historical experience demonstrates that it can be applied and developed wherever revolutionary proletarians study it deeply, wherever, immersed in the political struggle, they apply its revolutionary precepts as a guide, wherever they take into account the concrete historical particularities of society.
The Marxist-Leninist communists of Ecuador have made ever effort to understand Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action. With its principles we have studied the Ecuadorian reality and we have developed the political line of the party, as well as various tactical lines which have enabled us to intervene correctly and opportunely in the social movement, and accurate decisions in relation to the struggle and organisation of the working class and the people.
At the present we face the challenge of taking into account the great social mobility, the structural changes being produced in society, the changes in subjectivity and behaviour of the revolutionary classes, and the new policies of imperialism and the bourgeoisie.
We need to deepen the study of Marxism, its general principles, and to study them in relation to the national and international problems, with the development of science and technology - opposing them to the new philosophical, social and economic theories of the bourgeoisie- and in relation to the great events which have changed world history. We have to study Marxism-Leninism in order to apply it and in this way to develop and solve with its guidance the new problems confronting the proletarian social revolution.
Not everything has been said, many problems and situations call for the theoretical attention of revolutionaries. For Ecuadorian communists the problem is posed of the class view and treatment of society, the national problem, the use of all forms of struggle, the concretisation of revolutionary violence and the theory of the building of the party.
With the accumulated experiences in theory and practice, with our own revolutionary forces, with study, debate and reflection; with the deepening of our knowledge of the reality of the country, we can go further forward in the task of founding scientific socialism within the workers' and people's movement; we must modify our proposals, pose them in relation to the present problems of Ecuadorian society, and with the reality of the working class and popular movement; we must work in a better way to spread the revolutionary message, in order to reach the popular masses.
The Ecuadorian revolution will achieve victory to the extent that the Marxist-Leninist communists work to apply the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete practice of the working classes.

Struggle for the defence of Marxism-Leninism
The great anti-communist offensive orchestrated by imperialism, reaction and revisionism has directed its main darts at the demonstration of the obsolescence of Marxism-Leninism; at the uselessness of action by revolutionaries, workers and the people in attempting to apply those principles; at the impossibility and failure of revolution, and its inability to resolve the problems of social, economic and scientific development, or to solve the problems of the working class.
We are sure of the validity of Marxism-Leninism, of all that it has meant in the development of humanity, in its great victories and in its setbacks.
The defence of Marxism-Leninism is not achieved by the declaration of its validity, or by the affirmation of its rightness and correctness. These things are important but they must be transcended.
The main method for the defence of Marxism-Leninism is its application in the Ecuadorian revolutionary process, in its concretisation in policies, in the struggles of the working class and people, in order to convert it into a material force which can rid the world of capital.
This application of Marxism-Leninism will necessitate its study, its development, its confrontation with life.
Proletarian revolutionaries must advance further. We have the obligation to overcome all the falsehoods and diatribes which are hurled against Marxism-Leninism. This means involving ourselves actively in the theoretical debate being posed; that is to say, to assume revolutionary militancy on every terrain. We must utilise publications, the party's journal and review, and other organs in order to take a position on every aspect of struggle through dialectical and historical materialism, Marxist political economy, and scientific socialism.
The confrontation is with the reactionary and idealist positions of the bourgeoisie, but also with the revisionist "neo-Marxist" positions.

The ideological struggle against capital
The struggle for the social revolution of the proletariat demands the promotion in the working class and among the masses of what we want and fight for as revolutionaries, and requires that the workers make their own the programme and the implementation of the new society and the struggle for its achievement.
In this process it is essential to unmask and to combat the baseless ideology of capitalism and of reaction, to confront them with the political and ideological values of the proletariat, of revolution.
Against the assertion of the superiority of capitalism we have to oppose the achievements of the workers in the construction of socialism. Against the false thesis that socialism has failed, and that the revolution is impossible, we have to answer with the facts of the mobilisation and fight back of the working class and peoples which is developing across every continent and which points to socialism as the alternative. To bourgeois egoism and individualism we must counterpose the creative force of the collective, and class solidarity. To the lie that socialism negates the individual we must counterpose the truth that only in a socialist society can the full realisation of the personal qualities of every individual take place.

To continue the ideological- political combat against revisionism and opportunism
Life and historical experience demonstrate that it is not possible to organise the revolution and take it to its conclusion without combating the bourgeoisie on every terrain: ideological, political, cultural and military; without taking up positions, to unmask and combat revisionist and opportunist ideologies and policies within the revolutionary movement of the masses and inside the Communist Party.
Facts demonstrate that revisionism is a permanent danger, even when workers have power, even when they exercise the dictatorship of the proletariat -revisionism can still subvert the new order and restore capitalism.
This means that the struggle continues, that we must preserve the ranks of the communist, defend the consciousness, organisation and struggle of the workers and people form the attacks of revisionism.
To combat revisionism consistently demands a vigilant attitude on the part of communists, a better absorption of Marxism-Leninism, and the confronting of opportunists and revisionists wherever they present themselves, in theory and in practice, in the course of the class struggle.
The struggle against revisionism must take place against its organic expression but also and principally against its theses, against the distortions of the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism, against the ideological assaults which conspire always to confuse revolutionaries; to overcome the fearful, the cowards and the opportunists who may appear in the ranks of the communist party. This involves a continual confrontation, of a fight that it is necessary to wage up until its final consequences.

Revolutionary propaganda is the key to reaching the masses
Without revolutionary propaganda the revolution cannot be organised. Communists must reach the masses with our political demands; with the demands of the revolution, of revolutionary violence, of popular power, of socialism and of communism.
The ideological advance of the bourgeoisie and of revisionism, the great power of the communication media, the new techniques of propaganda and of publicity pose a challenge for the revolutionary proletariat.
This does not mean competing with the same media, or with the economic capacity of the bourgeoisie, but nor does it mean renouncing their use. As far as possible, we should infiltrate them for the purposes of our own propaganda.
Above all, this means studying the problem to open up initiatives for the formulation of the revolutionary message.
We have important propagandist experience, which we should use to support us in our advance.
Life teaches us that to repeat slogans is not enough, nor is it sufficient to make speeches. We must overcome schematism and clichés. We must leave on one side all stereotypes, common knowledge, preconceived language which makes revolutionaries seem all the same and which renders us repetitive and mechanical.
The revolution needs many and qualified propagandists, and requires the revolutionising of the mentality, of methods, forms and techniques in order to reach the masses. The construction and use of revolutionary paradigms, of a symbolism which accord with life and the hopes of workers, of the youth; of ideological and political elements which affirm identity, in order to allow us direct, fluid, penetrating and captivating communication with the masses.
The audacity to open up initiatives, to recreate new styles in the elaboration of articles, leaflets and manifestos must go alongside understanding of the problems of the masses, with the dominance of matter, of the demands which we must communicate; taking into account the moment, the audience, the conjuncture, and the aims of the mediated character. A simple style, which is direct and concrete and which poses the problem and its solution, which expresses the personal qualities of the revolutionaries, will allow us substantially to improve the quality of the message.
Conversation and discussion on an equal level with the masses; leaving to one side all poses, all airs of knowing everything, formalism and rhetorical phraseology; the ability to calm anxieties, dialogue with the collective, sensitivity in making proposals; concreteness in the formulation of our conclusions will enable us to reach people with our revolutionary policies, achieve their understanding and acceptance, and their agreement for their implementation.
The revolutionary agitator must show confidence and resourcefulness; he must prepare himself for all interventions, and be able to discuss them collectively. He has to remember that his intervention has the aim of spreading and affirming an idea, a slogan, a directive. He must not claim to have the answer to everything, to every situation or opportunity. The revolutionary agitator is a leader of the masses, he is a cadre who must demonstrate his leadership in every situation.
Mural propaganda, graffiti, posters and other various expressions of revolutionary propaganda should show the quality and capacity of the party and its forces, and so should be well produced.
The utilisation of radio and television are new elements which we should not undervalue. It is necessary to develop qualified experience. We must leave to one side improvisation; we must develop cadres and equipment adequate to the management of these means of communication. The formation of revolutionary propagandists in this area demands time and effort, and we should not skimp on this; we must keep in mind that the revolutionary process follows its course, that it is not concluded with this or that task, but that it is a matter of sustained action, and that the years which are invested in the ideological, political and technical formation of propagandists will be profitably used.
One of the important traditions of the Leninist party is the communist periodical, the publication of the leadership. Since "Iskra" until today, the revolutionary periodical has demonstrated its worth, its necessity.
In the experience of the Party , our periodical "En Marcha" ("On Our Way") has played an important role. It is necessary to make it more regular, to increase its circulation, to use it adequately and with initiative in the revolutionary process.
All the ideological, political and material forces of the communists and revolutionaries and of the masses themselves which may be necessary to advance the proletarian press should be put into practice without hesitation.
"En Marcha" must develop its role as the voice of revolution, as the propagandist of communism, as combatant for the emancipation of the workers; it must improve its content, its form and its presentation.
We communists must concentrate on organising and directing the propaganda of the organisations of the masses, and of the political fronts. We have the obligation of spreading the fight, and revolutionary action, taking into account the nature of the organisation or institution in whose name we are speaking.
Propaganda is the task of all communists, of the committee and of the cell, of revolutionaries, of the masses themselves, and that is how it must be conceived and applied.
The understanding of the orientation is necessary so that the cell can elaborate and spread its specific propaganda, directed at the particular social sector. This propaganda, referring to the particular problems of the sector, using the language and style of the masses, must transmit the central perspectives of the party, seeking their reception and acceptance, and their contribution to the mobilisation and action of the masses.
Revolutionary propaganda also demands special teams, ideologically and politically armed, with technical knowledge which takes into account the period and the methods.
The National Propaganda Commission must improve its structure, taking into account the need for its stability and permanence, political and technical quality, and its responsibilities for leadership and for implementation. The same goes for the provincial commissions and the propaganda teams of the fronts and organisations of the masses.

Organising the struggle for popular power and for socialism
For proletarian revolutionaries the question of power is the key of revolutionary activity.
We must work to educate the popular masses, the workers and peasants, the city poor, the teachers and the youth about the necessity of the struggle for power. Every social, material and political conquest by the workers signifies spiritual and material benefits, but these results are ephemeral as long as the bourgeoisie can disregard them, or make the workers themselves pay for them: increased salaries, for example, are of no use in combating the ever-increasing cost of living. The workers must take control of everything -they must be able to organise labour, the state, and the law, and they can only benefit from the fruits of their labour if they have power. Without power, social gains are always partial, because they can always be annulled.
The political struggle for power must express itself daily in every situation. Communists must politicise every opportunity.
The denunciation of the oppression and repression of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, combating corruption in the bourgeois state, not only in its factions, the exposure of institutions, the unmasking of the "political class", and of the oligarchy and its operations, the struggle against the anti-popular policies of every government and of the capitalist regime as a whole are expressions of the policy of the proletariat and its party, and manifestations of the struggle for power.
The political struggle requires the active participation of the party and its forces in every area of contention for power, in the elections within the masses' organisations, in the disputes between democratic organisations, in the elections of representative democracy. The political struggle requires the use of every form of struggle. The political struggle requires preparation for the insurrection, the education of the party and its forces, and of the masses regarding the use of revolutionary violence.
The struggle for power involves the clarification and understanding of its nature. Popular power signifies a new situation, that is to say the assumption by the popular masses under the leadership of the working class of political power at a general level, which implies the defeat of the ruling classes, and their replacement by the people in power. Popular power is incompatible with the existence of the armed forces of the bourgeoisie. Popular power must overcome the establishment and forge a new order, corresponding with the interests of the popular masses. Popular power is incompatible with capitalist exploitation, and is opposed to the political oppression of the masses/ Popular power means full democracy, the active participation of the masses, of the revolutionaries, the fighters and leaders in the working out of the plans and programmes of government. Popular power signifies the forging, the construction of a new society. Popular power is the road, the door for the society of workers, for socialism.
The claims, the ideas that a municipal seat, a mayorship, parliamentary deputies, the leadership of institutions or leading responsibilities in the organisations of the masses are indications of popular power are mistaken; they correspond to a simplistic conception of power. Power has to be exercised and cannot be subordinate to the capitalist system, to bourgeois laws, to the establishment. For this reason, these positions are platforms for the exercise of revolutionary politics, raising them to other levels, towards the subversion of the bourgeois state. They represent trials and stages towards what will become popular power.
It is clear that communists and revolutionaries must fulfil the responsibilities that have been accorded us, that we must work capably and honestly, with firmness, to demonstrate to the masses the correctness of our politics, the justification that we have to direct society's destiny. The fulfilment of political responsibility in these positions, must convert itself into a glass-case (test-tube) to affirm our relationship with the masses, a stage in the process of the accumulation of revolutionary forces.
The party views these positions, such as deputy, for revolutionary politics, as a means of contributing to the organisation, education and struggle of the people. This means that our representatives must make every effort to be the voice of the workers, the standard-bearers of the left; they must denounce the insults of the bourgeoisie, denounce corruption and deceit. We must take advantage of the cracks in bourgeois democracy in order to conspire against the system. We must make our representatives stand out for their courage and intelligence, for their firmness and initiative - they must show themselves as worthy representatives of the people, so that the masses, the electorate, feel proud of having them there. They must seek leadership through firmness and resolution in the proposing of ideas and in answering the problems of the people. They must demonstrate what communists and revolutionaries will do when they conquer power, that is to say, they must demonstrate their capability in their roles.
To understand and to work so that every action, every confrontation with the enemy, every concrete struggle, becomes a battle for the revolution, a stage in the process of accumulation of revolutionary forces which can serve to strengthen the political and ideological education of the masses, to strengthen their organisation, which means the affirmation and development of revolutionary and socialist influence, which contributes to the forging of self-defence and to the growth of the party - all this signifies struggling at every moment and in every action for power.
To promote the revolution, socialism and communism, to propagandise for the Party, to make its leaders and militants stand out, to gain in their authority in relation to the working class and the people, all this signifies struggling for popular power.
To advance in the ideological, political and organic construction of the party of the proletariat means struggling every day for political power.