The struggle against the enemies of the working class and the people (who are innumerable) and the subsequent triumph

It is necessary to achieve the greatest possible unity between the theory and political action among the most organised and advanced sections of the people. This task is one of the fundamental functions of the party as the guide and vanguard of the proletariat. However, this task has to be multiplied a hundred fold in the heart of the party itself in a single-minded manner with the aim of ensuring that the party plays its role as the most significant part of the revolutionary struggle. This signifies not only confronting in a united way all our enemies, from the petit bourgeoisie to big business to drug traffickers to Trotskyist adventurists up to and including the big monopolist enterprises, the bourgeois state and imperialism, but also our internal enemies, traitors and agents and also conciliatory ideas inside our organisations.
Our ideological and political unity enables us to take the measure of our enemies, from those whom we must attack as a priority, to those who we can afford to ignore, and even those from whom we may gain support in a particular period; this is if we really wish to make the revolution and conquer political power. That is to say as Lenin says "to make war in order to destroy the bourgeoisie ... (and imperialism), a war a hundred times more difficult, prolonged and complex than the most bloody of the current wars between states, and to renounce beforehand any manoeuvre which may exploit the contradictory interests which divide our enemies, to renounce agreements and compromises with possible allies (even though these may be provisional, inconsistent, changeable, and conditional), is not this something which is indescribably ridiculous?" This quote taken from Left Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder demonstrates that the activity of the party must orientate itself in advance in accordance with objective reality, as much within the party itself as within the social and ideological conditions surrounding us. Only in this way can we put into effect the universal proposal of Marxism-Leninism, which consists in understanding our ideology as a guide to action and not as a dogma.
In the following we will attempt as well as we can to put forward some ideas which may or may not be new, as to how ideologically and scientifically and according to the argument previously explained, we can develop our work in relation to the forces against us and also our work among the masses which we aspire to, in accordance with the laws of the materialist dialectic.
In order to carry out in a more or less scientific way our revolutionary work in society -a society which groups together an infinite number of elements including individuals and organisations- and in order to understand our policies in relation to our development, our work of making alliances to build unity and of struggling with the forces against us, we must place ourselves on the terrain of overcoming contradictions, whether these be primary or secondary, this is because every transformation from the most elementary to that of the entire society contains contradictions -contradictions which signify unity and struggle with our enemies. This element deserves study and application in a conscious manner. What has been said previously on the issue of contradictions and how to take political advantage of them has been expressed clearly thus in the Communist Manifesto: "The bourgeoisie produces before everything else its own grave-diggers, its destruction and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable."
Opposites cannot exist one without the other, they appear together, one engenders the others, the bourgeoisie engenders the proletariat. To the degree that the bourgeoisie develops, it broadens the sector of industrial production and increases the number of the proletariat, their number and their concentration and to the same degree their strength. At the same time the proletariat engenders the bourgeoisie in as much as it is their labour which produces capital:
"If we suppose that under conditions otherwise equal, the composition of capital is maintained unchanged, this is because in order to put into motion a determined quantity of means of production or constant capital, this always requires the same amount of labour power. It is evident that the demand for labour and the subsistence level of the workers will be created in proportion to capital, and the more rapidly capital develops the more rapidly this will grow... The reproduction of labour power which continually has to be incorporated as the means of giving value to capital cannot be separated from capital. This also means that the relationship of the subjection of labour to capital always remains and workers have only the option of selling their labour to one capitalist rather than another. This constitutes the reality of capitalist reproduction. Therefore, accumulation of capital must mean an increase in the proletariat." (K. Marx, Vol. I, The Capital)
The unity of opposites in the capitalist system is skilfully hidden when it comes to the division between rich and poor and people of good or bad fortune. In fact, these form a unity as Marx explained in the previous quote. Those who posses the means of production need to exploit those who do not posses them; those who have no means of production see that in order to live they must put themselves at the service of those who posses them. For that reason, it is impossible to overcome the proletariat without first getting rid of the bourgeoisie.
Opposites clash, struggle without ceasing the one against the other and modify each other reciprocally. What does the struggle of the bourgeoisie consist of? Its aim is the maximum exploitation of the workers and prevention of their self organisation.
As regards to proletarian struggle this has reproduced itself since the beginning of the proletariat's existence and wherever it exists, even though this struggle can take different economic and political forms, faces different objective limitations, and may sometimes for a while be repressed. However, it occurs everywhere, because the conditions of existence make it necessary for the transformation of society. It is in this struggle that class consciousness is created.
The forces of struggle act one upon the other, modifying each other reciprocally, with the forms adopted for the class struggle changing relation to the balance of forces. For example, the bourgeoisie tries to prevent all proletarian workers' organisations, such as the Party, and especially the revolutionary Party which is the summit of all organisations, and when this is impossible or even counter-productive, when the level of struggle is such that it would be better to try to moderate the conflict, the bourgeoisie then attempts to dominate the workers' organisations and divide them. In the same way, ideological struggle changes with the progress of revolutionary ideas, and when it is no longer possible to ignore them, the bourgeoisie propagates the excellence of the capitalist system and also tries to falsify those ideas by infiltrating them like a Trojan horse, and thus giving birth to revisionism.
From this we can understand that it is impossible to single out any one of the forces of struggle. If we study one while forgetting another we cannot understand the manoeuvres of the bourgeoisie, whether political or ideological, and we may as a result underestimate the workers movement, and fail to understand it as a class, forgetting that it exists within capitalist rule and that it suffers formidable pressure from the bourgeois class which dominates and exploits it. From this it follows that the struggle of opposites is inseparable from the existence of classes, that no conciliation is possible, and that the struggle will only end with the seizure of political power and with the formation of a new state of things, in which these opposites will tend to disappear under the dictatorship of the proletariat. We have to distinguish between primary and secondary contradictions and we have to be capable of evaluating them in order to be able to prioritise our enemies so that they can be eliminated or overcome one by one.
In order to study the foundations of this contradiction we have taken as an example the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, which is the fundamental and primary contradiction of capitalist society; but this society is not made up only of this contradiction for within it there are others, for instance, monopolist bourgeoisie against non-monopolist, and the bourgeoisie's various political tendencies and philosophical currents, etc. With the development of imperialism "new" contradictions are formed.
Of course, contradictions are derived from the same class division of society; contradictions between imperialism and the colonies or neocolonies derived from neoliberalism, contradictions occurring through financial chains between rich and poor countries, national and ethnic problems, etc... All these contradictions play their historical role and have to be uncovered and approached in a scientific manner, if we do not wish to simplify reality too much and to fall into vulgar ideas of essentialism or idealism. However, undoubtedly, these cannot all be put on the same level since some contradictions are primary and others not. On the other hand, at different times the contradictions we have discussed can change position moving from being principle to being secondary or overcome by others.
The various contradictions operate, as we have said, one upon the other. Secondary contradictions depend for their origin on the main ones and they grow with the development of these; for example, the struggle for greater democracy, for freedom of organisation, for concrete objectives, with immediate and long-term programmes (as expressed in the Democratic Popular Assembly), do not immediately signify socialism and proletarian socialism, but certainly they signify a transformation in the correlation of forces, of the bourgeois state, of national and international capital, at a given moment, and they effectively help the advent of socialism.
A truly revolutionary party can and in various conditions must make use of the existence of secondary contradictions in order to form alliances with one tendency of the bourgeoisie against the common enemy from the view of a limited objective, (e.g. struggle against fascism, defence of the country, etc.) or more concretely in the heart of the "left" for aims related to making propaganda for one's ideas.
Therefore, it is necessary to study also secondary contradictions in order not to be reductionist in relation to the richness of reality, in order to maintain a political conduct which is flexible and able to differentiate between different periods, and in order to link these contradictions to the main one. We should not lose sight of what is essential and of the proposition central to our actions and all our party struggle, that is, to resolve in our favour and in that of the class the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat through the socialist revolution and the following development towards communism.